In a visit to the volatile northeastern city of Gao, Defense Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian addressed reporters a day after the U.N. Security Council authorized the deployment of the peacekeeping force.

"From now on we are in the post-war phase. The U.N. resolution adopted yesterday will allow for the arrival of a force to stabilize the country," he told reporters. "But France will keep about 1,000 soldiers to carry on with military operations."

During Le Drian's visit to Mali, he met with the country's interim president as well as with Gen. Ibrahim Dahrou Dembele to discuss efforts underway to train the Malian military.

Dembele also highlighted the difficulties that remain in the Kidal region of Mali despite the French military successes.

The area has been patrolled by French and Chadian forces, as local authorities have refused the presence of Malian soldiers whom they accuse of human rights abuses.

Dembele, though, said that secular Tuareg rebels in the area known as the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad were complicating efforts.

"The problem is right now they are going out into other small villages," he told the French defense minister.

Some Malians are already questioning how successful the United Nations peacekeeping mission to their country will be given its limited mandate and the volatile mix of armed groups across the north.

The U.N. force is tasked with helping to restore peace after a French-led military operation was launched in January to dislodge radical Islamic fighters who had seized control of the country's vast north.

However, the U.N. peacekeepers will not be authorized to launch offensive military operations or chase terrorists in the desert, which French forces will continue to do, although France is aiming to downscale its presence in its former colony by year-end.

Daouda Sangare, an entrepreneur in Bamako, questioned how much the peacekeepers would do to protect civilians because of their limited mandate. Other U.N. peacekeepers in Africa have been accused of failing to protect local populations from attack, he said.

"The U.N. forces will only be coming to collect their salaries," he said. "We have seen the example in Congo, where the M23 rebels entered Goma and the U.N.'s blue helmets were there in the city and did not protect the population. There were deaths and injuries."

On July 1 the U.N. peacekeepers are supposed to take over from a 6,000-member African-led mission now in Mali, although the deployment date is subject to change depending on security conditions.

The transformation into a U.N.-led mission will be a positive step because it will have considerable financial backing, said Ousmane Diarra, a Bamako-based politician.

"Until now, the African forces that have been in Mali have been financed by their countries," he said. "That was a worry for us because it was not clear that the African countries could continue to finance their military mission in Mali."

Mali fell into turmoil after a March 2012 coup created a security vacuum that allowed secular Tuareg rebels to take over the country's north as a new homeland. Months later, the rebels were kicked out by Islamic jihadists who carried out public executions, amputations and whippings.

When the Islamists started moving into government-controlled areas in the south, France launched a military offensive on Jan. 11 to oust them. The fighters, many linked to al-Qaida, fled the major towns in the north but many went into hiding in the desert and continue to carry out attacks including suicide bombings.

"We know it's going to be a fairly volatile environment and there will certainly be some attacks against peacekeepers where they will have to defend themselves," U.N. peacekeeping chief Herve Ladsous told reporters on Thursday.

France is gradually reducing its presence in Mali — currently just under 4,000 troops — and French officials said they expect to have roughly 1,000 there by year-end. Some 750 of those will be devoted to fighting the insurgent groups, officials said.

The U.N. force will also operate alongside a European Union mission that is providing military training to the ill-equipped Malian army, which was left in disarray by the March 2012 coup.

 There is much speculation on what happened on the American side but it seems that the US Ambassador to the UN the forthright and formidable Susan Rice,took the decision to put forward a draft which would have given MINURSO powers over human rights in the Moroccan  Sahara.  It seems she was delegated to put forward the draft whilst Secretary of State John Kerry was dealing with the ongoing  crisis in North Korea and Syria.

One can reflect on the aftermath of the attack on the United States diplomatic mission in Benghazi and the death of the Ambassador and three diplomatic staff. Subsequent questioning over the incident and what the U.S. administration knew about it seemed to reveal a lack of corodination over the administration's communication especially over Ambassador Rice's statement that the attack was the result of a spontaneous demonstration which she later admitted to be wrong information based on briefing notes by the security services. The controversy over the draft proposal on MINURSO seems to reveal some elements of a lack of communication between key elements on the American side. Diplomacy is at least in part the art of the possible, or at least knowing what will work or not. It should  have been obvious that Morocco would never accept the proposed extension of MINURSO's role to include human rights surveillance on  what Morocco has always proclaimed as its sovereign territory .

Morocco has won a notable diplomatic victory but the challenge of a resolution of the conflict remains. The UN has acknowledged that Morocco has made considerable progress on human rights,more than any other country in the region, but both sides also acknowledge that more progress has to be achieved. The difficult balance of maintaining security in an insecure region whilst guaranteeing human rights is a challenge. Judicial reform which has been promised is an important element in this process as is more sensitive policing, sometimes in the face of provocation.The international concern on global  human rights is growing as more conflicts produce more  suffering and atrocities . This will not change and all countries will be affected by these concerns.

Compromises of some sort will have to be made if there is to be a solution to the conflict, Northern Ireland offers some examples in this respect although every situation is difficult.  That a solution to the Sahara issue is  vital is clear to all, given the rise of terrorism in the region which now threatens the whole of the Maghreb.

The resolution adopted in New York, with the unanimity of the 15 members of the Security Council held on to encourage the parties to continue their efforts to promote and protect human rights in the Sahara and the Tindouf camps in Algeria. "

It cited in high esteem  the measures taken by Morocco in this area.

It extends, as every year, the mandate of the UN Mission in Western Sahara (MINURSO) until 30 April 2014.

"The Security Council adopted today, April 25, 2013,  with the unanimity of its members the resolution on the Moroccan Sahara.

The new resolution is in line with previous resolutions adopted since 2007. The Council confirms, once again, the rule of autonomy presented by Morocco Initiative and sets the parameters for a final political solution based on realism and a spirit of compromise.

This resolution capped a process marked by a number of initiatives and contacts made by His Majesty the King  with several heads of state, messages sent by Royal Emissaries in capitals and a campaign to explain the position Morocco on the different aspects covered by Security Council resolution 2012, as well as the moroccan expectations on  April 2013.

This process was accompanied by a strong mobilisation of all political actors and forces of the nation, reflecting the national consensus, constantly renewed, around the National Question.

The Kingdom of Morocco welcomes this resolution confirms, with force, the essential parameters of the political solution, strongly preserves the prospect of a promising revival of negotiations and clarifies,in a precise and definitive manner, the frame work processing other aspects of this regional dispute.

The Security Council confirms, by this resolution, the maintenance status of the mandate of MINURSO and its activities in accordance with the assurances and guarantees to His Majesty the King by Mr. Ban Ki Moon, Secretary General of UN during the telephone conversation of 25 August 2012.

The regional nature of the dispute is now clarified and explained by a direct and specific appeal to neighboring countries to engage more vigorously in order to end the current impasse and move towards a final political solution.

Thus, Algeria is challenged to invest in a constructive way in the search for a political solution to this regional dispute.

Similarly, the resolution recognises that the resolution of this dispute, coupled with cooperation of members of the AMU states contribute to stability and security in the Sahel region.

This resolution contains no procedure involving, near or far, any international monitoring of human rights. It recognizes and welcomes the steps taken by Morocco in strengthening the National Council for Human Rights and the United voluntary interaction with special procedures under the Council of Human Rights. This is a dedication by the United Nations initiatives and national efforts by His Majesty the King.

Also, the full recognition of the reforms demonstrates that the national framework is the suitable forum for support issues of human rights. The Security Council has made, therefore, a clear response to the recurring instrumentalisation of human rights in the service of known attempts at a political agenda.

In addition, the Security Council reiterated its request to conduct a census of populations in Tindouf camps, encouraging the first effort in this direction. These efforts are aimed at the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and the host state, Algeria, according to the 1951 Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. The implementation of  this obligation, based on humanitarian considerations, becomes more necessary than ever in the context of insecurity and threatening instability in the Maghreb and Sahelian area. Morocco hopes that other parties will fully assume their responsibilities under this resolution, seize the opportunities it offers renewed and engage sincerely and resolutely in a real revival of the political process of negotiation.

Given the major security challenges that shook the region, settlement of the regional dispute over the Moroccan Sahara is now a critical strategic need for peace and stability in the region and a must for economic and social development of the countries of the Maghreb " .

The interim Foreign Minister of Mali, Tiéman Coulibaly is likely to be present at the adoption.The draft resolution was discussed among the P5 before being circulated to the wider Council. Three intensive rounds of negotiations among all 15 members, starting on 12 April, were then held. The draft resolution was put into blue  on 24 April following bilateral negotiations between France, the penholder on Mali and Russia which had broken silence yesterday (23 April). It seems that Russia asked for a change in language regarding MINUSMA’s interaction with the International Criminal Court (ICC) and its role in supporting Malian authorities to bring to justice those responsible for war crimes and crimes against humanity.


Over a three week period the Council has moved from discussing the options proposed by the Secretary-General for the establishment of a stabilisation mission in Mali to being ready to adopt a new resolution that authorises the establishment of MINUSMA and the transfer of authority from AFISMA to MINUSMA on 1 July 2013.

The draft resolution gives the mission an initial 12 month mandate. It also requests the Secretary-General to include in MINUSMA former AFISMA military and police personnel appropriate to UN standards. It seems the Council might review the timeline for MINUSMA’s deployment depending on the security situation.

The draft resolution, which authorises a force structure of 11,200 military personnel and 1,440 police personnel, also authorises MINUSMA to use all necessary means to carry out some aspects of its mandate. The key components of MINUSMA’s mandate are:

    * stabilising key population centres and supporting the reestablishment of state authority throughout the country;
    * supporting the implementation of the transitional roadmap;
    * protecting civilians and UN personnel;
    * promoting and protecting human rights and;
    * supporting humanitarian assistance, cultural preservation and national and international justice.

The draft resolution also authorises French troops to use all necessary means to intervene within the limits of their capacities and areas of deployment, in support of elements of MINUSMA when under imminent and serious threat and upon request of the Secretary-General. (It seems the French troops, rather than a parallel force as suggested by the Secretary-General, will carry out combat and counter-terrorism activities.) It also includes a request for France to report to the Council in 45 days and then every three months from 1 July on the implementation of this mandate in Mali.

Even though Council members have generally been in agreement during the negotiation process, some issues have been tricky. Regarding timing, France and other members wanted to speed up the transition towards a stabilisation operation establishing a clear timeline and a date, while Russia and others preferred to receive a clearer assessment of the situation on the ground and to prioritise a benchmark-driven process before deploying MINUSMA. The agreed date of 1 July for the deployment of the mission, assuming there are acceptable security conditions in MINUSMA’s envisaged area of responsibility, was the agreed compromise.

During the negotiations, views also differed on the type of actions MINUSMA was tasked to undertake, how proactive it should be and the limits of its robust mandate. Argentina, Guatemala, and Pakistan, along with Russia, introduced language that was accepted and which more clearly defined tasks MINUSMA was mandated to undertake. They also successfully pushed for a clear mention in the preamble reaffirming to the basic principles of peacekeeping, including consent of the parties, impartiality, and non-use of force, except in self-defence and defence of the mandate, with the intention of more clearly distinguishing between traditional peacekeeping and peace enforcement. Such language is not surprising in light of the recently approved “intervention brigade” to be included in the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) by resolution 2098, which was agreed to on the understanding that it was “on an exceptional basis and without creating a precedent or any prejudice to the agreed principles of peacekeeping.”

At the earlier stages of the negotiations, it seems that some P5 members had concerns as to how to define the relationship of the French forces and MINUSMA as well as the role of the Council with regards to their mandate. Consequently, the draft resolution mentions the role of French forces supporting MINUSMA when under imminent and serious threat and upon request of the Secretary-General and establishes a reporting requirement to the Council.